Common use of General Introduction Clause in Contracts

General Introduction. The studies presented in this thesis stem from an interest in Roma’s fate which entails a challenge of immense practical importance. Negative attitudes towards the Roma have been a common denominator of widespread rejection, exclusion and outright hostility that marked the eight-century-long Roma history in Europe (Crowe, 2008). In recent years, an increasing ethnic mobility within the European Union enabled the Roma to travel from one country to another to escape discrimination and search for a better life (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2009). Most of Roma, however, remain excluded from the mainstream population, and face continued poverty and discrimination (Kostadinova, 2011). The goal of this dissertation is to provide an insight into social-psychological mechanisms that underlie this appalling situation of European Roma. We refer to negative attitudes towards the Roma as Romaphobia1. Like other type of outgroup attitudes, ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ reflects negative emotions associated with group membership, i. e. being Roma. The Roma group membership is strongly determined by common ancestry (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ & ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 1995). Nevertheless, the label “Roma” does not refer to a homogenous group, but to a highly diversified minority, which adheres to multiple cultural and religious traditions (Liegeois, 1994). Cross-cultural research shows that the label “Roma” pertains to Roma ethnicity (i.e. heritage), but also reflects transparent status differences from the mainstream population (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2001; ▇▇▇▇▇▇-▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2006). The integrated threat theory (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ & ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 1996) offers a theoretical framework for studying Romaphobia. It focuses on perceived cultural discrepancies and status differences in the form of threat to material (i.e. realistic threat) and immaterial resources (i.e. symbolic threat). In the following sections, we present the theoretical rationales for perceived threat and its antecedents to be the main causes of Romaphobia. 1 In the following chapters, the words prejudice, negative feelings and anti-Roma attitudes are used interchangeably. The idea that perceived threat constitutes a key for negative outgroup attitudes has extensively been discussed within the realistic group conflict theory (Sherif, 1966), and symbolic racism theory (Kinder & Sears, 1981). More recently, ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ (1996) unified these conceptually different notions into the integrated threat theory. The integrated threat theory suggests that the social psychological mechanisms underlying outgroup prejudice involve perceived threat and its antecedents (e.g. ingroup identity) (▇▇▇▇, ▇▇▇▇▇ & ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2006, for a meta analysis). Perceived economic threat concerns inter-group competition for scarce resources such as jobs and housing (Sheriff, 1966). Symbolic threat is about the worldviews of a group, which is assumingly threatened by out-group members with distinct morals, norms, and values (Sears, 1988). Negative attitudes towards outgroups may be independent of actual inter-group competition, generated by minority proportion and contact opportunities (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2001; ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2004; ▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2005). Reluctance to share scarce resources with Roma, and intolerance towards the Roma culture, may be linked to Zeitgeist, or more precisely, to the extent to which general cultural and political climate in society reflects a supportive (or unsupportive) social context for intercultural relationships (▇.▇. ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2010). In particular, it was shown that nationalism and endorsement of unfavorable acculturation strategies, i.e., a desire for cultural homogenization among dominant group members may have contributed to the perceived threat from Roma (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2001; Woodock, 2007). Drawing from past research, this dissertation proposes acculturation preferences and national ingroup attitudes to be antecedents of perceived threat, and to have both direct and indirect (via perceived threat) relationship to Romaphobia.

General Introduction. The studies presented in this thesis stem from an interest in Roma’s fate which entails a challenge of immense practical importance. Negative attitudes towards the Roma have been a common denominator of widespread rejection, exclusion and outright hostility that marked the eight-century-long Roma history in Europe (Crowe▇▇▇▇▇, 2008). In recent years, an increasing ethnic mobility within the European Union enabled the Roma to travel from one country to another to escape discrimination and search for a better life (European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, 2009). Most of Roma, however, remain excluded from the mainstream population, and face continued poverty and discrimination (Kostadinova, 2011). The goal of this dissertation is to provide an insight into social-psychological mechanisms that underlie this appalling situation of European Roma. We refer to negative attitudes towards the Roma as Romaphobia1. Like other type of outgroup attitudes, ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ reflects negative emotions associated with group membership, i. e. being Roma. The Roma group membership is strongly determined by common ancestry (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ & ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 1995). Nevertheless, the label “Roma” does not refer to a homogenous group, but to a highly diversified minority, which adheres to multiple cultural and religious traditions (Liegeois, 1994). Cross-cultural research shows that the label “Roma” pertains to Roma ethnicity (i.e. heritage), but also reflects transparent status differences from the mainstream population (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2001; ▇▇▇▇▇▇-▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2006). The integrated threat theory (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ & ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 1996) offers a theoretical framework for studying Romaphobia. It focuses on perceived cultural discrepancies and status differences in the form of threat to material (i.e. realistic threat) and immaterial resources (i.e. symbolic threat). In the following sections, we present the theoretical rationales for perceived threat and its antecedents to be the main causes of Romaphobia. 1 In the following chapters, the words prejudice, negative feelings and anti-Roma attitudes are used interchangeably. The idea that perceived threat constitutes a key for negative outgroup attitudes has extensively been discussed within the realistic group conflict theory (Sherif, 1966), and symbolic racism theory (Kinder & Sears, 1981). More recently, ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ and ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇ (1996) unified these conceptually different notions into the integrated threat theory. The integrated threat theory suggests that the social psychological mechanisms underlying outgroup prejudice involve perceived threat and its antecedents (e.g. ingroup identity) (▇▇▇▇, ▇▇▇▇▇ & ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2006, for a meta analysis). Perceived economic threat concerns inter-group competition for scarce resources such as jobs and housing (Sheriff, 1966). Symbolic threat is about the worldviews of a group, which is assumingly threatened by out-group members with distinct morals, norms, and values (Sears, 1988). Negative attitudes towards outgroups may be independent of actual inter-group competition, generated by minority proportion and contact opportunities (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2001; ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2004; ▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2005). Reluctance to share scarce resources with Roma, and intolerance towards the Roma culture, may be linked to Zeitgeist, or more precisely, to the extent to which general cultural and political climate in society reflects a supportive (or unsupportive) social context for intercultural relationships (▇.▇. ▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2010). In particular, it was shown that nationalism and endorsement of unfavorable acculturation strategies, i.e., a desire for cultural homogenization among dominant group members may have contributed to the perceived threat from Roma (▇▇▇▇▇▇▇▇, 2001; Woodock, 2007). Drawing from past research, this dissertation proposes acculturation preferences and national ingroup attitudes to be antecedents of perceived threat, and to have both direct and indirect (via perceived threat) relationship to Romaphobia.